【新刊速递】《地中海政治》（MP）， Vol. 30， No. 2， 2025 | 国政学人

期刊简介

《地中海政治》（Mediterranean Politics）是一本汇集了地中海及其周边地区当代政治和国际关系研究的学术期刊。地中海不仅被理解为那些边界部分或全部由海洋本身界定的国家，而且被理解为一个跨越欧洲、非洲和亚洲大陆的空间。因此，该刊寻求作为相关区域研究团体之间的桥梁，文章范围包括更广泛的欧洲、非洲、中东和西亚地区的国家和人口。该刊近五年影响因子为2.266。

期刊目录

1 极端困境、关怀伦理与人道保护：来自利比亚与意大利的经验教训

Extreme hardship, care ethics, and humanitarian protection: Lessons from Libya and Italy

2 去政治化与再政治化的路径：向摩洛哥地方政府递交请愿的实践

Trajectories of depoliticization and re-politicization: Petitioning to Moroccan municipalities

3 衡量战后威权叙利亚的“国家扩散”：来自2021年民意调查的证据

Measuring ‘state-diffusion’ in post-conflict authoritarian Syria evidence from the 2021 public opinion survey

4 强制性操控移民理论的重构：以休达与西撒哈拉为例

Reframing coercive engineered migration theory: Ceuta and the Western Sahara

5 失去对民主的支持：突尼斯边缘化青年中的政治社会化、大众认知与政治怨愤的形成

Losing support to democracy: Political socialization, popular conceptualizations, and the formation of political grievances among marginalized youth in Tunisia

6 欧洲邻国政策、博洛尼亚模式与欧盟—埃及高等教育合作

European neighbourhood policy, the Bologna model and EU-Egyptian cooperation in Higher Education

期刊目录

极端困境、关怀伦理与人道保护：来自利比亚与意大利的经验教训

题目：Extreme hardship, care ethics, and humanitarian protection: Lessons from Libya and Italy

作者：Caterina Francesca Guidi, 意大利锡耶纳大学社会、政治与认知科学系；Anna Triandafyllidou, 加拿大多伦多都市大学文学院社会学系；Katie Kuschminder, 荷兰阿姆斯特丹大学。

摘要：本文聚焦于跨越利比亚前往意大利及欧洲的移民所经历的极端困境。文章对“极端困境”这一概念进行界定与阐释，并主张应采纳关怀伦理（ethics of care）的视角，给予此类移民人道主义保护。尽管这些移民的初始迁徙动机可能不符合传统避难标准，但他们在迁徙途中所遭受的严重伤害应成为赋予保护的正当理由。本文首先从规范性角度出发，探讨关怀伦理应如何指导抵达国的移民政策制定。随后，文章以意大利为具体案例，分析其在人道主义居留许可方面所呈现的新兴判例与法律实践。在此基础上，作者综合分析相关学术文献、政策与法律文本，并结合对专家知情人（律师与法官）的访谈，梳理出2015年至2020年间在意大利出现的一种创新性实践。文章进一步对比欧洲其他国家在类似领域的政策规定，提出在国家层面乃至欧盟层面发展并规范一套人道主义居留许可制度的可行性。通过这一讨论，本文旨在拓展对人道保护机制的理解，并呼吁将迁徙过程中遭受的伤害纳入国际保护政策的考量框架之中。

This paper focuses on the extreme hardship suffered by migrants crossing through Libya to reach Italy and Europe. The paper documents and defines the notion of extreme hardship and argues in favour of an ethics of care that provides for protection for those migrants who may not be asylum seekers for what concerns their initial motivation for migrating but who need humanitarian protection because of the harm suffered while en route. Starting with a normative exploration of how an ethics of care can and should inform the policy of countries of arrival, this paper analyses the specific case of Italy and the emerging case law and legal practice in relation to the humanitarian stay permits. Based on the analysis of relevant scholarly literature, policy and legal texts and interviews with expert informants (lawyers and judges) and taking stock of an innovative practice that emerged in Italy in the period 2015–2020, the paper also discusses similar provisions in other European countries and argues for the possibility to develop and codify a humanitarian permit, at national or also European level.

去政治化与再政治化的路径：向摩洛哥地方政府递交请愿的实践

题目：Trajectories of depoliticization and re-politicization: Petitioning to Moroccan municipalities

作者：Francesco Colin, 荷兰鹿特丹伊拉斯谟大学国际社会研究院公民创新研究小组。

摘要：公民在行使请愿权时，是否能够真正进行政治行动？本文探讨摩洛哥自确立请愿权以来，公民向市级政府递交制度性请愿的实践。文章关注公民与社会组织如何利用请愿这一工具与地方政府进行互动，并通过分析公民行使请愿权的多种路径，强调去政治化与（再）政治化在地方层面的相互依存关系。本研究基于为期20个月（2020年2月至2021年12月）的大规模实地调查，系统采用了定性与定量研究方法，重点分析地方请愿的递交过程、内容及其后续结果。通过回顾在丹吉尔市提交的请愿案例，文章指出，请愿权的行使既表现出自上而下的去政治化动力机制，同时也为公民行动提供了再政治化的可能路径。此外，尽管请愿权的制度化及对相关倡议执行的限制在一定程度上削弱了请愿作为政治参与工具的影响力，本文亦指出，该制度化过程为挑战地方权力格局创造了制度性空间，从而为后续更广泛的政治参与提供更多可能性。

Does the exercise of the right to petition allows citizens to act politically? This paper looks at the practice of presenting institutional petitions to Moroccan municipalities since the inception of this right. It inquires on the ways in which citizens and associations employ petitions to engage with their local government. By discussing the diverse trajectories of citizens’ exercise of the right to petition, this paper will highlight the interdependence of depoliticization and (re-)politicization at the local level. It is based on extensive qualitative and quantitative research on municipal petitions, the process that led to their presentation and their outcome, conducted over 20-months of presence in the field (February 2020 – December 2021). Reviewing the outputs of the petitions presented in the city of Tangier, this paper shows that the performance of the right to petition entails both dynamics of top-down de-politicization and pathways for re-politicization of citizens’ action. Further, the institutionalization of the right to petition and the limits to initiatives’ implementation curtail the political relevance of engagement through petitions. At the same time, it challenges local power balances by creating a frame that allows for further political engagement.

衡量战后威权叙利亚的“国家扩散”：来自2021年民意调查的证据

题目：Measuring ‘state-diffusion’ in post-conflict authoritarian Syria evidence from the 2021 public opinion survey

作者：Kota Suechika, 日本立命馆大学国际关系学院。

摘要：叙利亚冲突的核心特征之一，是围绕国家建构理念的激烈政治对抗与暴力冲突，这一现象被称为“国家扩散”（state-diffusion）。在这一背景下，伊斯兰主义者、库尔德分离主义者与复兴党人（Ba’thists）分别代表了对于叙利亚国家与民族截然不同的认知模式。本研究旨在通过分析一项独立民意调查的结果，评估战后叙利亚“国家扩散”现象的程度。研究聚焦于叙利亚民众对阿萨德政权的接受与否，并对比分析了在冲突期间经历政权更迭地区与未经历更迭地区之间的态度差异。结果显示，在曾受反对派统治的地区，“国家扩散”倾向更为显著，表现为对阿萨德政权主导的国家建构与民族统一项目的拒斥。这一拒斥很可能源于当地已出现了与既有叙利亚国家认同截然不同的“替代性国家与民族”概念。相较而言，在战后被阿萨德政权重新掌控的地区，对其合法性的认可度相对较高，这或许与该地区经历过战争破坏与长期政治动荡的创伤记忆有关。然而，阿萨德政权的“胜利”并不意味着冲突的终结。叙利亚民众在面对“阿萨德式叙利亚”（Suriyya al-Asad）或“威权式冲突治理”回归时表现出强烈的不适与排斥，使得国家政治稳定的前景依然令人担忧。

The Syrian conflict was characterized by intense political contestation and violent clashes among various actors with contrasting views of statehood, a phenomenon termed ‘state-diffusion’. Within this landscape, Islamists, Kurdish separatists, and Ba'thists embody distinct perceptions of the Syrian state and nation. This study aims to measure the extent of “state-diffusion” in post-conflict Syria by exploring the outcomes of an independent public opinion survey. Specifically, it focuses on Syrians’ acceptance/rejection of the Assad regime by comparing regions that witnessed significant conflict-induced leadership changes with those that did not. The results reveal that regions under opposition’s governance exhibit a higher tendency towards ‘state-diffusion’; indicating a leaning towards rejecting the Syrian state-building and national unity initiated by the Assad regime. This rejection seemingly stems from the emergence of an alternative state and nation distinct from the existing Syrian nation-state. However, Assad’s legitimacy was more likely to be recognized in regions where the regime regained control after the conflict, perhaps due to their bitter experience of the devastating war and prolonged political turmoil. Thus, the ‘victory’ of the Assad regime does not necessarily promise the end of the conflict. Syrians are having a difficult time accommodating the resurgence of ‘Suriyya al-Asad’ or ‘Authoritarian Conflict Management’, leaving concerns about the future of political stability.

强制性操控移民理论的重构：以休达与西撒哈拉为例

题目：Reframing coercive engineered migration theory: Ceuta and the Western Sahara

作者：Berta Álvarez-Miranda, 西班牙马德里康普顿斯大学应用社会学系；Lisa Brey, 西班牙马德里康普顿斯大学应用社会学系。

摘要：2021年5月，摩洛哥通过开放与西班牙飞地城市休达（Ceuta）接壤的边境大门，明确运用了“强制性操控移民”（coercive engineered migration, CEM）策略，以此在休达主权与西撒哈拉领土归属问题之间制造权力交换。本文以西班牙国内围绕政府如何遣返移民、并可能放弃对其昔日殖民地未来影响力的公共辩论为对象，检验了凯莉·格林希尔（Kelly Greenhill）关于为何弱势的威权国家能够利用该策略迫使更强大的自由民主国家屈服的理论。研究资料包括大众媒体报道、官方文件与实地访谈证据。在批判性重估格林希尔理论中“国内政治路径”的基础上，本文提出了一套替代性概念模型，并将解释焦点转向地缘政治考量。文章认为，边境控制的“外部化”趋势模糊了不同政治体制之间的预期差异，从而削弱了原理论中关于民主国家容易因意识形态极化与“伪善成本”而让步的解释力。相反，对接收国资源被“淹没”的恐惧，成为跨体制下强制性操控移民得以奏效的主要国内机制。此外，移民议题已被嵌入多重议题关联之中，使得原籍国与过境国在多层级的移民外交结构中获得了更大的议价能力。本文借此拓展了对强制性操控移民理论在现实外交实践中适用性的理解。

By opening the gates on the border to Ceuta in May 2021, Morocco explicitly engaged in coercive engineered migration (CEM) to establish a tradeoff of sovereignty claims over the Spanish exclave city and the Western Sahara territory. In this article, we test Greenhill’s theory on why stronger liberal democratic states yield to this strategy by weaker autocratic states against the public debate in Spain on how the government devolved the migrants and relinquished the future of its ex-colony in the desert, with evidence from the mass media, official documents and personal interviews. We offer an alternative conceptual model for CEM by critically recalibrating factors within her domestic account and shifting the focus to geopolitical considerations. We argue that externalization of border control has tended to blur expected differences among political regimes, reducing the risk of ideological polarization and hypocrisy costs, typical of democracies according to theory, and leaving fear of swamping of hosting resources as the main domestic explanation of successful CEM across regimes. It has embedded border control in multiple issue-linkages, increasing the leverage of countries of origin and transit in the multi-scalar international tapestry of migration diplomacy.

失去对民主的支持：突尼斯边缘化青年中的政治社会化、大众认知和政治怨愤的形成

题目：Losing support to democracy: Political socialization, popular conceptualizations, and the formation of political grievances among marginalized youth in Tunisia

作者：Sarah Anne Rennick, 法国巴黎阿拉伯改革倡议组织，瑞典隆德大学中东研究高级中心。

摘要：在突尼斯出现由执政集团主导的威权化进程背景下，本文考察了历史上被边缘化地区青年对民主的支持程度，以及他们倾向于选择威权主义替代选项的可能性。文章提出了一个微观层面的分析框架，用以评估民主转型过程中大众支持流失的认知与解释机制，并从理论上探讨政治社会化、民主观念的形成与政治怨愤之间的关系。研究基于2021年初在六座城市中开展的12场焦点小组讨论，发现青年通过媒体与社交媒体观察政治进程，从而在高度极化的公共舆论场中进行政治学习。由此，青年将“民主”理解为权利扩展所带来的实质性结果，并以这些结果是否实现作为评判民主优劣的依据。研究识别出三类主要的政治怨愤，这些怨愤体现为反建制立场，而非直接表现为对威权主义的偏好。然而，研究也发现，在这些青年所构建的民主概念中，对民主在程序性与实质性两个层面的“限制性偏好”亦然存在。本文拓展了对“支持威权倒退”的研究议程，通过揭示不同政治学习方式如何塑造大众对民主的理解，并评估这些理解在威权合法性建构中的潜在影响，为理解民主支持流失的机制提供了新的视角。

Given incumbent-led autocratization in Tunisia, the article investigates support to democracy among youth in historically marginalized regions and the likelihood they will prefer the authoritarian alternative. Putting forth a framework for micro-level assessment of the cognitive and interpretive dynamics generating loss of popular support to democratic transition, the research problematizes the relationship between political socialization, the conceptualization of democracy, and the formation of political grievances. Drawing on 12 focus group discussions held in six cities in early 2021, the article finds that political learning occurs through observation of unfolding processes via the media/social media in a highly polarized public sphere. As a result, youth understand democracy as the substantive outcome of extended rights, , and judge democracy based on what these extensions produce. The research finds three primary political grievances that are framed as anti-establishment and not as a preference for authoritarianism. Nonetheless, the research also finds that within their conceptualization of democracy are preferences for its limitation in both procedural and substantive dimensions. The article extends the research agenda on support to authoritarian backsliding by demonstrating how modes of political learning shape popular understandings, and assessing the implications of these understanding in terms of authoritarian legitimation.

欧洲邻国政策、博洛尼亚模式与欧盟-埃及高等教育合作

题目：European neighbourhood policy, the Bologna model and EU-Egyptian cooperation in Higher Education

作者：Hanan Rezka, 埃及阿拉伯共和国规划与经济发展部国家治理与可持续发展研究院；Ingeborg Tömmelb，德国奥斯纳布吕克大学。

摘要：本文分析欧盟对埃及的邻国政策，并以高等教育领域为案例，探讨欧盟如何通过治理转移（governance transfers）推动改革，以及埃及对这一政策倡议的回应。文章聚焦于以下两个核心问题：（1）欧盟的政策目标与治理方式在多大程度上影响了埃及高等教育改革的方向与进程？（2）在哪些层面上，哪些因素促进或阻碍了改革过程的推进？在理论层面，研究基于欧盟政策与治理机制向伙伴国转移的相关概念，并强调改革过程中具体国情因素的关键作用。方法上，本文采用定性研究方法，结合官方文件分析与对欧盟及埃及官员的半结构式专家访谈。研究结果表明，合作双方内部的若干因素共同限制了政策的有效执行：一方面，欧盟提出的治理模式过于复杂且缺乏明确操作性；另一方面，埃及国内在通过去中心化机制实施改革方面存在结构性难题。这种双重限制削弱了治理转移的政策效果，也为理解欧盟邻国政策在实际操作中的局限性提供了实证支持。

This article analyses the EU’s neighbourhood policy towards Egypt. Using the higher education sector as a case, it explores the EU’s policy to induce reforms through governance transfers and Egypt’s response to this offer. The main questions are: (1) To what extent do EU policy objectives and governance approaches influence the reform of higher education in Egypt? (2) Which factors facilitate or hinder the reform process at various levels of intervention? Theoretically, the research draws on concepts of EU policy and governance transfers to partner states and the significance of contextual factors for reforms within these states. Methodologically, the analysis applies a qualitative approach based on official documents and semi-structured expert interviews with European and Egyptian officials. The analysis suggests that factors on both sides of the cooperation contribute to limiting policy implementation: the overly complex and rather unspecified governance concepts of the EU and the difficulties in Egypt to implement policies through decentralized action.

译者：束任翔，国政学人编译员，中国社会科学院大学国际政治专业。

审校 | 赖永祯、张潇文

排版 | 程心一

本文源于《地中海政治》2025年第2期，本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。